Aperahama Kerepeti-Edwards | digging in over seabed and forshore

Aperahama Edwards was removed from Parliament’s gallery on Thursday for interrupting a debate on proposed changes to the law governing the foreshore and seabed. The seabed and foreshore debate remains one of the most significant and emotionally charged chapters in Aotearoa New Zealand’s legal and political history. It marks a pivotal struggle over indigenous rights,…


Aperahama Edwards was removed from Parliament’s gallery on Thursday for interrupting a debate on proposed changes to the law governing the foreshore and seabed.

The seabed and foreshore debate remains one of the most significant and emotionally charged chapters in Aotearoa New Zealand’s legal and political history. It marks a pivotal struggle over indigenous rights, customary law, and the nature of the Treaty partnership between Māori and the Crown.

Over two decades on from the political fallout of the 2004 Foreshore and Seabed Act, the issue still resonates – in courtrooms, on coastlines, and in the evolving conversation about constitutional transformation and tino rangatiratanga.

The modern seabed and foreshore debate began with a 1997 application by Māori iwi in the Marlborough region to the Māori Land Court. The applicants sought to have areas of the foreshore and seabed – traditionally used and occupied by their hapū – declared as Māori customary land under Te Ture Whenua Māori Act 1993.

The case eventually reached the Court of Appeal, which in June 2003 ruled in Ngāti Apa v Attorney-General that the Māori Land Court did have jurisdiction to consider such claims. Crucially, the court held that the Crown had not extinguished Māori customary title to the foreshore and seabed in 1840 – and that such rights could still legally exist unless specifically removed by statute or treaty.

The decision opened the door for iwi and hapū around the motu to test their customary rights in court.

The Court of Appeal decision sparked intense public debate. Some coastal landowners, recreational users, and political parties feared it could lead to widespread Māori ownership of New Zealand’s beaches –  despite the fact that the court had not made such a ruling.

In response, the Labour-led government of Prime Minister Helen Clark, with Margaret Wilson as Attorney-General, moved quickly to legislate.

The Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004:

  • Declared the entirety of New Zealand’s foreshore and seabed as Crown-owned.

  • Extinguished any Māori customary title that could amount to ownership.

  • Allowed Māori to seek limited recognition of customary rights through a new legal test – but not full ownership.

This law was seen by many Māori as a confiscation of customary land, echoing historical raupatu (land takings). It prompted massive backlash, including:

  • A 30,000-strong hikoi to Parliament in 2004.

  • The withdrawal of Māori MPs from Labour’s caucus.

  • The resignation of MP Tariana Turia, who went on to co-found the Māori Party – a political movement born directly from this issue.

The 2004 Act marked a sharp decline in Māori trust in Labour and changed the political landscape:

  • The newly formed Māori Party entered Parliament in 2005 and eventually became a support partner to the National government in 2008.

  • The Foreshore and Seabed Act became a symbol of the failure of the Crown to honour the Treaty of Waitangi’s guarantees of partnership and protection of taonga.

  • In 2011, the National-led government – in partnership with the Māori Party – repealed the 2004 Act.

Passed in 2011, the Takutai Moana Act:

  • Repealed the Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004.

  • Declared the foreshore and seabed as not owned by anyone – neither Māori nor the Crown.

  • Allowed iwi and hapū to apply through the High Court or direct Crown negotiations for recognition of customary marine title or protected customary rights.

However, critics – including Māori legal experts and iwi – argue that the bar for recognition is set extremely high:

  • Applicants must prove exclusive and continuous use since 1840.

  • Legal costs are significant, often favouring those with greater resources.

  • As of 2025, only a small number of customary marine titles have been recognised.

More than 200 applications for customary marine title under the Takutai Moana Act are still active, with some ongoing litigation – including Whakatōhea, Ngāti Porou, and Ngāti Pāhauwera.

In 2021, the High Court granted Whakatōhea recognition of customary marine title – the first such decision in a major contested case – setting legal precedent for others. The Crown has also entered direct negotiations with iwi, though some have opted to withdraw from Crown processes due to frustration over delays.

The seabed and foreshore debate remains a live issue, with ongoing questions about:

  • The Crown’s role as both negotiator and decision-maker.

  • Whether a truly Treaty-based framework can exist within current legislation.

  • The need for constitutional reform that better centres Māori legal concepts like mana whenua and tikanga.

For many Māori, the seabed and foreshore controversy was never just about access to beaches or marine resources. It was about:

  • The right to be recognised as tangata whenua with authority over traditional territories.

  • The Crown’s repeated failure to respect Māori legal systems and land rights.

  • The continuing need for Treaty justice in both law and policy.

As Waitangi Tribunal inquiries and legal cases continue, the seabed and foreshore issue stands as a reminder of unfinished business in the Treaty relationship.

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